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Monday, December 8, 2014

URGENT: Call Congress Immediately! | TERrafirmaUSA

URGENT: Call Congress Immediately! | TERrafirmaUSA

Campaign for Liberty
Campaign for Liberty has been working hard to fight the “Restoration of America’s Wire Act,” S. 2159/H.R. 4103, which would override state sovereignty, void current law in several states, and give the federal government more control over the Internet by banning Internet gambling.
Now, inside sources tell us a final decision on whether or not to add this bill to the “Omnibus” spending package could be made within the next few hours.
Even if you’ve never gambled and never plan to, this fight is about stopping more government trampling of Americans’ liberties and more shredding of the Constitution.
And combining this controversial bill into the Omnibus is just not right.
So please call your U.S. senators and your U.S. representative right away at (202) 224-3121.
Demand the “Restoration of America’s Wire Act” (S. 2159/H.R. 4103) not be added to any Omnibus or any other legislation that may come out of lame duck.
Thank you in advance for contacting your representatives on this critical issue.
For Liberty,
Ron Paul

Saturday, December 6, 2014

Obama Deputies Free 30,862 Foreign Criminals | The Daily Caller

Obama Deputies Free 30,862 Foreign Criminals | The Daily Caller
POLITICS

Obama Deputies Free 30,862 Foreign Criminals
6:30 PM 12/05/2014
NEIL MUNRO
White House Correspondent

President Barack Obama’s immigration deputies released 30,862 foreign criminals into the United States’ cities and neighborhoods, according to a federal document.

The document also showed that Obama repatriated less than 1 percent of the 12 million illegals living in the United States during the 12 months up to October 2014.

Officials also repatriated only 8,805 of the roughly 180,000 unskilled Central American migrants who flooded across the border since 2011, according to the “Fiscal Year 2014 ICE Enforcement and Removal Operation Report.”

“Immigration enforcement has been destroyed by this President,” Sen. Jeff Sessions said in a Dec. 5 statement.

Americans “must understand the situation can be remedied: if the public elects officeholders who will demand enforcement—at the worksite, the welfare office, and all ports of entry—the lawlessness can swiftly be ended,” he said.

During fiscal 2014, the Immigration and Customs Enforcement repatriated 315,943 people.


But two-thirds were foreigners caught at the border, and 86,923 were resident illegals caught in major criminal activity.

Obama’s deputies repatriated only 6,466 people who didn’t reach Obama’s high thresholds for deportation — committing felonies, being a national security threat or being a recent border crosser, according to the document.

The report suggested that 636 of the 6,466 were sent home on the advice of probation officials, and another 2,802 of them were gang members.

Enforcement was so lax that 129,921 illegals — including 30,862 criminals — were released back into American neighborhoods rather than being sent home.

“To both comply with current detention-focused laws and court decisions and ensure available detention space for border enforcement activity and national security/public safety efforts, ICE also released 129,921 aliens from custody, 30,862 of whom were convicted criminals,” the report said.

Overall repatriations are down sharply, to 315,943 in 2014, from 409,849 in 2012.

Roughly 130,000 Central American migrants crossed the border in 2014, including roughly 66,000 adults and children in so-called family units.” Only 852 of those individuals were sent home — the rest were invited to apply for green cards, attend schools, take jobs and receive some federal aid while their cases are resolved by courts over several years.

The document said 56,029 “unaccompanied children” were taken into custody. Of those, 1,901 were repatriated.

News reports say many of the “unaccompanied children” were delivered by federal agencies to their parents who were living illegally in the U.S.

Wall Street Moves to Put Taxpayers on the Hook for Derivatives Trades



Wall Street Moves to Put Taxpayers on the Hook for Derivatives Trades

Published: December 6, 2014

SOURCE: MICHAEL KRIEGER, LIBERTY BLITZKRIEG

Wall Street has for some time attempted to put taxpayers on the hook for its derivatives trades. I highlighted this a year ago in the post: Citigroup Written Legislation Moves Through the House of Representatives. Here’s an excerpt:


Five years after the Wall Street coup of 2008, it appears the U.S. House of Representatives is as bought and paid for as ever. We heard about the Citigroup crafted legislation currently being pushed through Congress back in May when Mother Jones reported on it. Fortunately, they included the following image in their article:







Unsurprisingly, the main backer of the bill is notorious Wall Street lackey Jim Himes (D-Conn.), a former Goldman Sachs employee who has discovered lobbyist payoffs can be just as lucrative as a career in financial services. The last time Mr. Himes made an appearance on these pages was in March 2013 in my piece: Congress Moves to DEREGULATE Wall Street.

Fortunately, that bill never made it to a vote on the Senate floor, but now Wall Street is trying to sneak it into a bill needed to keep the government running. You can’t make this stuff up. From the Huffington Post:

WASHINGTON — Wall Street lobbyists are trying to secure taxpayer backing for many derivatives trades as part of budget talks to avert a government shutdown.

According to multiple Democratic sources, banks are pushing hard to include the controversial provision in funding legislation that would keep the government operating after Dec. 11. Top negotiators in the House are taking the derivatives provision seriously, and may include it in the final bill, the sources said.

The bank perks are not a traditional budget item. They would allow financial institutions to trade certain financial derivatives from subsidiaries that are insured by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. — potentially putting taxpayers on the hook for losses caused by the risky contracts. Big Wall Street banks had typically traded derivatives from these FDIC-backed units, but the 2010 Dodd-Frank financial reform law required them to move many of the transactions to other subsidiaries that are not insured by taxpayers.

Last year, Rep. Jim Himes (D-Conn.) introduced the same provision under debate in the current budget talks. The legislative text was written by a Citigroup lobbyist, according to The New York Times. The bill passed the House by a vote of 292 to 122 in October 2013, 122 Democrats opposed, and 70 in favor. All but three House Republicans supported the bill.

It wasn’t clear whether the derivatives perk will survive negotiations in the House, or if the Senate will include it in its version of the bill. With Democrats voting nearly 2-to-1 against the bill in the House, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) never brought the bill up for a vote in the Senate.

Remember what Wall Street wants, Wall Street gets. Have a great weekend chumps.


In Liberty,

Michael Krieger

Friday, December 5, 2014

Activist Post: Footage of a Normal 1950s Housewife Trying LSD

Friday, December 5, 2014

Footage of a Normal 1950s Housewife Trying LSD

Activist Post

The following video shows a clinically "normal" housewife from the 1950s trying LSD in a recorded experiment. The YouTuber who dug up this incredible clip from the archives commented "The '50s becomes the '60s right before our eyes." Her experience is interesting on many levels.


h/t - DailyPaul.com

FBI Involved In Hastings Death Debunking

Obama Grubers Amnesty

Obama Grubers Amnesty

White House Review of Federal Support for Local Law Enforcement Equipment Acquisition | Public Intelligence





White House Review of Federal Support for Local Law Enforcement Equipment Acquisition | Public Intelligence

WHITE HOUSE

December 3, 2014



The following review of federal support programs for local law enforcement equipment acquisition wasreleased December 1, 2014 by the White House.





Review: Federal Support for Local Law Enforcement Equipment Acquisition

19 pages

December 2014







For decades, the federal government has provided billions of dollars in equipment to state and local law enforcement agencies (LEAs) through excess equipment transfers, asset forfeiture programs and federal grants. Particularly in the years since September 11, 2001, Congress and the Executive Branch have steadily increased spending and support for these programs, in light of legitimate concerns about the growing threat of terrorism, shrinking local budgets, and the relative ease with which some criminals are able to obtain high-powered weapons. These programs have significantly expanded over decades across multiple federal agencies without, at times, a commensurate growth in the infrastructure required to standardize procedures governing the flow of equipment from the federal government to LEAs. At the same time, training has not been institutionalized, specifically with respect to civil rights and civil liberties protections, or the safe use of equipment received through the federal government. Concerns over the lack of consistent protections have received renewed focus and attention in light of the recent unrest in Ferguson, Missouri.



The White House has engaged federal agencies, law enforcement stakeholders, civil rights stakeholders and academics in conducting a review of federal funding and programs that provide equipment to state and local LEAs. During the course of this review, White House components have explored whether existing federal programs: 1) provide LEAs with equipment that is appropriate to the needs of their communities, 2) ensure that LEAs are properly trained to employ the equipment they obtain, and 3) encourage LEAs to adopt organizational and operational practices and standards that prevent misuse/abuse of the equipment.







Between FY2009 and FY2014, the federal government provided nearly $18 billion dollars in funds and resources to support programs that provide equipment and tactical resources to state and local LEAs. LEAs can acquire equipment through various programs administered by the Departments of Justice (DOJ), Defense (DOD), Homeland Security (DHS), Treasury (Treasury), and the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP).1 DOJ, DHS and ONDCP directly fund equipment purchases through multiple grant programs. DOD manages the transfer of excess equipment and also helps LEAs obtain new equipment at lower DOD prices. Additionally, DOJ and Treasury fund equipment purchases and other law enforcement activities through the equitable sharing component of the federal asset forfeiture programs. These programs, in the main, have been valuable and have provided state and local law enforcement with needed assistance as they carry out their critical missions in helping to keep the American people safe.



The bulk of the equipment transferred from federal sources to LEAs is fairly routine—office furniture, computers and other technological equipment, personal protective equipment and basic firearms. But federal agencies also transfer, or fund the purchase of, military equipment, including high powered weapons and tactical vehicles. Although such tactical equipment constitutes a small percentage of the total material that flows from the federal government to LEAs, it is nonetheless substantial. For example, under the DOD 1033 program, only 4% of the property provided to LEAs last year was “controlled property” (property listed on the Department of State Munitions Control List or Department of Commerce Control List). However, this 4% translates into 78,000 pieces of controlled equipment transferred from DOD to LEAs. To date, approximately 460,000 pieces of controlled property are currently in the possession of LEAs across the country.



Despite the fact that federal equipment and purchasing programs generally share some of the same goals, each operates independently from the others and the policies and practices by which they are governed vary widely. When shared goals exist, it may be preferable to establish some common standards and practices. With respect to commonality, for instance, the lists of permissible equipment vary across programs, and each program employs different oversight and auditing procedures. They differ not only in the kind of reporting required by LEAs, but also in the frequency of reporting and level of detail required. These programs also vary in the type of training—if any—they require of LEAs. For example, the programs reviewed do not necessarily foster or require civil rights/civil liberties training and they generally lack mechanisms to hold LEAs accountable for the misuse or misapplication of equipment. This variation among federal agencies makes tracking the overall effects, use and misuse of federal or federally-funded equipment difficult.

Given the lack of consistency in how federal programs are structured, implemented and audited, and informed by conversations with stakeholders, four areas of further focus have emerged that could better ensure the appropriate use of federal programs to maximize the safety and security of police officers and the communities they serve: 1) Local Community Engagement, 2) Federal Coordination and Oversight, 3) Training Requirements, and 4) The Community Policing Model.



A. Local Community Engagement



Both law enforcement and civil rights stakeholders agreed that there is often insufficient transparency to decisions surrounding the acquisition of equipment. These programs often permit LEAs to request equipment outside of a local government’s standard budget process and without civilian (non-police) government approval. Local elected officials are frequently not involved in the decision-making, and the general public is similarly unaware of what their LEAs possess. As noted by some of the law enforcement stakeholders who contributed to this review, this lack of transparency can adversely impact neighboring LEAs in the event of an emergency when they do not know what resources may be nearby. Additionally, this lack of transparency can result in the proliferation of equipment in amounts that are often inconsistent with the size and training capacity of smaller LEAs.



B. Federal Coordination and Oversight



Federal programs for equipping LEAs lack interagency coordination and uniform standards. At present, these programs generally do not share data or reporting requirements for tracking inventory and use of equipment. Many do not monitor the transfer of equipment obtained with federal funds between LEAs. As a result, there may be no single entity in the federal government able to track particular pieces of equipment at any one time. This lack of coordination hinders attempts to hold LEAs accountable. Although some federal agencies have terminated or suspended LEAs found to be misusing funds or equipment or violating the Constitution, the impact of these penalties is likely weakened by the fact that the offending LEAs are easily able to draw from multiple other federal government sources.



C. Training Requirements



Federal programs supporting the acquisition of equipment by LEAs do not include standard training requirements for operation and deployment of equipment. Members of law enforcement cited the specific concern that police chiefs and those responsible for authorizing the deployment of military-style equipment often lack proper training to understand when and how controlled equipment is most appropriately deployed. It is possible that an increase in technology sharing, cross-training and increased operational relationships between LEAs and the military can foster an environment at the local level in which it is difficult to distinguish between the appropriate military use and the appropriate LEA use of the same equipment. Moreover, stakeholders expressed concern that some training programs may unintentionally incentivize the use of military-like tactics and equipment when unnecessary, and therefore, would benefit from appropriate training requirements attached to both the operation and the deployment of federal or federally-funded equipment that encourage improved policing practices.



D. The Community Policing Model



Some stakeholders who contributed to this review expressed concerns about an increasing trend toward militarism and militarization in United States policing, which can affect law enforcement culture, organization and operations. Some stakeholders felt that the “show of force” typically associated with military operations, when employed by civilian police, can weaken community trust—especially in communities with a history of strained relationships between the community and local law enforcement. Public safety and civil rights/civil liberties training may prove especially useful to strengthen community policing approaches that position law enforcement officials as trusted guardians of public safety.





Related Material From the Archive:

Federal Property and Equipment Manual: Federal Sources of Personal Property for Law Enforcement

DoD Issues Instructions on Military Support of Civilian Law Enforcement

White House Strategic Plan for Preventing Violent Extremism

Law Enforcement Agencies Obtaining Record Amount of Surplus Military Equipment

DoD Instruction 3025.21 Defense Support of Civilian Law Enforcement Agencies

DoJ-DHS Pamphlet: The Role of State and Local Law Enforcement at First Amendment Events

Defense Logistics Agency Law Enforcement Support Office (LESO) Model Memorandum of Agreement

Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations Federal Support for Fusion Centers Report



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